Paola Ehrmantraut

“Fast Cars, Clean Bodies: Decolonization and Reordering of French Culture” by Kristin Ross.

 

This article starts by tracing the identification of the car manufacturing and the factory worker, following the history of the Renault plant at Billancourt. Influenced by Mao’s cultural revolution, many intellectuals went to this factory to “encounter the people” (17). Due in part to the attention the intellectuals paid to this plant, Billancourt became central in the social debate about the new paths that modernization and industrialization were opening in the French society. The automotive worker came to represent metonymically the entire working class, and the factory plant in Billancourt, the site of tensions that reflected the different approaches to postwar economic development.

 

The article goes on to explore the problematic relation of French culture and the automobile from the 1950’s until the middle of the 1960’s. In this era, the car came to symbolize the different attitudes to the state-led modernization in the post war. The car was surrounded by a complex and prolific discursive web, that in many ways anticipated its mass consumption. The myths these discourses about cars, mobility and modernization created were futuristic in nature, since they circulated before the actual cars massively circulated the streets. The myths were furthered reinforced by films that showcased the advantages of capitalism. Ross explains that “The postwar screens of Europe were filled with an illustrated catalog of the joys and rewards of American capitalism” (38) The automotive industry and the film industry maintained a symbiotic relation in which both forms of technology reinforced each other (38)

 

Ross traces some of these myths created by the discourses. Since they reflected contested views on what the car had come to represent, these myths were unstable points of conflict. First, the car came to incarnate the myth of mobility, speed and independence. The new economic conditions of the industrial modernization required a mobile work force, and so the car fused with the displaced worker to give birth to the “available man”, the worker who could be relocated to satisfy the needs created by the free market ideology. The anxiety created by this model was represented in movies and popular literature by the recurrence of the car accident, bringing to light the most destructive consequences of modernization. 

 

As the car became an actual presence in everyday life, the trope of the unique speeding car paired with its obliteration in unexpected crashes, gave way to a more static account of the car experience. The myths in relation to the car continued to show conflicting images. On the one hand, the car became fraught with images of separation and social dissolution. On the other hand, more compensatory myths started to give value to the interior of the car as a sanctuary of peace for the overwhelmed commuter, who in the idle hours of the traffic jam could find time for himself, sheltered from domestic or workplace pressures. Ross summarizes: “A miraculous object, the car can compensate for the destruction it has created” (55)

 

In class, I would like to discuss possible answers to two rhetorical questions that Ross posed in the article: “Does the postwar modernizing process act to suppress the memory of the suffering and destruction that must inevitably accompany it? How can one best avoid the knowledge of the social costs of one’s own privilege in the present moment?” (63) She also points out that “the massive myth production hides the realization of the existence of a huge population left out of the modernization process” (64). Who are excluded and what level of participation do they have in the modernization process of the postwar France?  And lastly, the discourses about the car presented by Ross were clearly gendered. How has that gendering of technology has impacted the discourses about technology today?